This study focuses on the chronic instability of the political and administrative institutions of the Democratic Republic of the Congo covering the period from independence from 30 June 1960 until 2017.
Today, the Democratic Republic of the Congo remains confronted with difficulties of all kinds. For more than a decade, there have been endless wars and conflicts with rapes, deaths among civilian populations, internal and external displaced persons, looting of resources, insecurity of people and their property in the Territory National. The DRC has subsequently undergone very important events, the most recent of which (1998-2004) are politico-economic-military, presented in the form of civil wars. Following the movement leading to its independence on 30 June 1960, the Republic saw the birth of the political parties on the one based on nationalism, others on the quest for money.
Indeed, the crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo affects the entire population and in a very special way the political and administrative institutions of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. However, the political institution of the DRC is constituted by the Government, the National Assembly, the Senate as well as the political parties. And, the administrative institution is composed of general secretariats: the different directorates, the provincial ministries including the territorial where corruption gangrenes, the non-mechanization and the bad payment of the agents of the administration Public of the DRC.
On the other hand, the causes we have identified are not exhaustive. Nevertheless, we believe that we have studied those that promote instability, and we feel, without fear of a great deal of deceit, that they are fundamental.
2. Literature Review
As Bwendelele points out (1968, 12)  , we are going to talk about the internal causes that are the first factors in political and administrative instability, and then we have analyzed the external causes that, in developing countries, are playing a Crucial role in the frequent changes in government Institutions. Among the internal causes, we have studied institutional causes, liberal or parliamentary democracy and its consequences on the stability of Institutions, ethnic heterogeneity (especially when it is poorly managed). There is also the politicization of public administration, the social-economic situation, poor governance, the non-observance of texts and the poor distribution of wealth.
External causes include international geopolitics, the absence of powerful lobbying that negotiates the interests of the DRC at the international level and the international policy of predation on the wealth of the DRC Lead to the extent to which the influence of foreign nations, multinationals and the struggles between the major powers can undermine political stability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
On the other hand, the Lusaka agreement of July 1999, unanimously presented by peacemakers as the unavoidable way of exiting the crisis for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the countries of Great Lakes Africa in general, is placed in a Context to be remembered Willame, J. C., (2007, 15)  . To understand this article, we used the historical approach to gather, analyze, compare, and criticize the facts relating to this work.
3.1. Internal Causes
In order to explain the instability of the political and administrative Institutions of the DRC, it is important to study the internal causes which we believe are fundamental before we see to what extent foreign pressures are involved.
These causes are many. They cannot, therefore, be full. Nevertheless, we have selected some of them that we considered important: the inadequacy of the constitutions to the reality in the DRC, ethnic heterogeneity, the politicization of Administration, socio-economic situation, poor governance, Non-observance of the texts and the poor distribution of wealth. We have examined each of these causes to highlight the instability of political Institutions.
1) Constitutional Inadequacies
When one studies the political Institutions of the African countries, one is soon struck by the inadequate nature of the constitutions of these states. These are generally modeled on the constitutions of old metropolises, without taking into account the particular situations of each country.
How do we want constitutional provisions to be developed for a highly industrialized country, for a people with better social conditions, to be applied to a developing country? How is it possible that a Constitution made for a people accustomed to the mechanism of democracy can be, without development, applied to a population whose traditional organization does not know the separation of powers, fundamental principle of democracy?
Such a transposition can only be fraught with enormous difficulties and therefore create instability in the Institutions, so it is rare for the Constitution to be altered. And, if it is, it is for imperative reasons and with broad support from the public, because it is an agreement, a social contract or a convention that the people give themselves to live together and be directed. The good Constitution ensures unity, peace, love, solidarity, justice, and well-being. A bad Constitution carries the germs of disunity, ethnic conflicts, corruption, tyranny, impunity, poverty, disease, mismanagement, violence and the disintegration of the Nation (UNDP, 2004)  .
Let’s note for example:
a) The civil war that marked the country, from 1960 to 1963, including the secessions of Katanga and South Kasai.
b) Armed insurrections and armed conflicts. The Muralists insurrections from 1963 to 1965 had affected three-quarters of the country. Under the Second Republic, the regime of President Mobutu was faced with armed rebellions in 1967, in 1977, in 1978, ...before falling under the blows of that of 1996-1997.
c) The social movements of strikes and protest, in particular, the major movements of students, In 1969, In 1971, In 1986 and In 1990; The great strikes of civil servants and teachers who ended up breaking the illusion of tranquility that reigned during the Second Republic.
The resistance against the dictatorship of Mrs. Joseph Désiré Mobutu and Laurent Désiré Kabila, including the student movement, the letter of the 13 parliamentarians and the market of Christians on February 16, 1992. The popular resistance against foreign aggression of Rwanda and Uganda and the new form of dictatorship internal tending to establish the Balkanization. This form is especially by Mgr. KATALIKO and civil society...
To date, the Government of Joseph Kabila, creating a crisis and this crisis is responsible for the eradication of the evil that gangrene of the DRC by contempt of text and the bottleneck in the process people election. This chronic state crisis prompts us to explore in depth the causes of inadequate institutional instability in the constitutions of these States which has also deeply affected the Congolese economy (Kibanda, M., et al., 2005, 44)  .
As for the fundamental principle of democracy, it is defined as the Government of the people, by the people and for the people. The practice of democracy must be learned. It depends on the will and determination as well as the collective wisdom of the peoples themselves and not the benevolence of the leaders who only derive their legitimacy from themselves. Democracy is not just a set of rules and constitutional procedures that determine how a government works, but it is also a system of government that is seen as part of a social fabric made up of institutions Public and State, political parties, organizations and associations of numerous and diverse.
This diversity or pluralism implies that the multiple institutions and governments organized within a democratic society do not depend on the government for their existence, their legitimacy or their authority. They interact with the Government, motor and responsible for the collective life. Indeed, democracy is emerging through the complex ensemble of political, social, religious and cultural forces at work in a community. Economic development paves the way for democracy and political will makes it a reality. It does not go back to the sum of the institutions. Any healthy democracy depends largely on the behaviors, practices, and norms that determine the ability of people to govern themselves. It requires a civic culture (Op. cit. 2005; 14, 19.38).
The DRC should open up an era of freedom and development. But, the proclamation of independence on June 30, 1960, brought the Congo into the zone of political turbulence where Prime Minister Patrice Emery’s speech Lumumba pronounced that day will throw the cold in relations between the Congo and the former power Colonial. Very soon, the relationship between President Joseph KASA-VUBU and the prime minister will be spoiled. In September 1960, they will revoke each other.
The latter, also calling for the Constitution and the democratic principle which wants a government with a parliamentary majority to remain in place, would not want to submit to the presidential decision. Thus, the crisis began and, for five years, the Democratic Republic of the Congo will not have the stability of political and administrative Institutions. It was in the face of this confusion that Colonel Joseph Désiré Mobutu made a first “coup d’état” and set up the College of Commissioners General (Léon de Saint Moulin et al., 2003)  .
As of 17 January 1961, the assassination of Patrice Lumumba, Joseph Okito and Maurice Mpolo will be the death knell for the confusion that is to come and will continue, despite the interlude of the Adoula government, until Mobutu’s seizure of power on 24 November 1965.
The regime established by Mobutu will be characterized by authoritarianism, single partyism, less consideration of human rights. The living conditions of the population will deteriorate as we go along. The population will thus implement survival strategies. Deceptive and deceptive slogans such as “Moto Na moto Abongisa”, “MPR equals serve, serve, no” and the Philosophy of “authenticity” will only maneuver to seat the party-state (Kibanda, M., et al., 2005, 4).
The democratization launched on 24 April 1990 will only be a powder in the eyes. The immense hope raised by the secular community at a Sovereign National Conference (C.N.S./Narine Simonian), from August 1991 to Decembuvers and exercised its right of initiative in the field of foreign policy and regional integration policy. It will be remembered its diplomatic stowage to the West despite its regional anchorage in Central Africa and the Great Lakes region and its international anchorage in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and in the institutional Pan-Africanism.
The examination of internal and external causes leads us to see to what extent we could adopt important strategies of stabilization within the political and administrative institutions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
3.3. Institutional Stabilisation Strategies
We have analyzed the instability of political institutions, without asking ourselves how we can try to remedy this sad situation. That is why we are dedicating this point to the strategies likely to stabilize the Institutions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Considerations on the causes due to inadequate constitutions based on the principles of parliamentary Democracy show us the failure of liberal or parliamentary democracy in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The experience of democracy is all the more valuable when it has gone through the ordeal of adversity, that is, turbulent, articulated on men, ideas and alternatives of policies. So it is of infinite richness for the greatness of man, of the state and of its population.
The pillars of democracy consolidation are:
- Unity between the Congolese;
- Building powerful lobbying to advocate for the interests of the DRC;
- The establishment of a flexible, intelligent and strategic policy of renegotiating with the West;
- The establishment of good governance and a good distribution of wealth;
- Ending impunity, etc.
Speaking of the difficult situation prevailing in Africa, Dumont, R. (1996, 203)  writes: A democracy in Europe could only be reasonably envisaged after the generalization of elementary education, once a minimum of Economic development” Dumont insists on education, but we focus on the lack of democratic traditions. We need to devote ourselves to changing the mindset of people little by little.
Tackling change in mentality is a real challenge. Indeed, in order to increase the way people participate by broadening the material basis of power, the emergence of the role of independent civil society at all levels are strategies to promote democracy. In order to do this, the institutional solutions must be the following:
• The restoration of the authority of the state;
• Strengthening institutions;
• The definition of a broad national consensus in the Constitution.
Adjustments for overall political management in a democracy must be carried out through a laborious process of negotiation between various actors. This will build a democracy without illusions and dynamics in the light of the roles played by the different social institutions.
In fact, liberal democracy is not easy to enforce. The example of England, a parliamentary country par excellence, shows us that it takes years and sometimes hundreds of years to come to parliamentary democracy. The time is taken by Western countries such as England, France, and the Netherlands, to have a head of state that reigns but does not govern shows how long and difficult the way leading to liberal or parliamentary democracy.
Moreover, democracy implies a high economic development, thus stresses Myrdal, Yunnar (1961, 30)  who, expressing reservations about the desirability of establishing democracy in India, reminded the Indian Parliament in 1958 that “Europe had not achieved its Various forms of democracy that after reaching an already high degree of economic development, and India’s attempt to install an analogous type of democracy before a rather pronounced start of development, seemed to him to be very risky”.
Buchman, J. (1962, 35), referring to the discrepancy between the political forms adopted and the economic and psychological infrastructure in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, abounds in the same sense as MYRDAL: “The new Independent states began by adopting Political Institutions close to those already implemented in their various metropolises or in other technically advanced countries.
But we have to realize that the European political Institutions have been established in regions where economic society and cultural development provide solid support for liberal democracy, the play of pluralism Ideological and partisan, to the dialogue between the Executive and the parliament. In the Negro-African countries, it is not at all the same, and genuine independence again implies a difficult and full of pitfalls of adaptation.
Therefore, black Africa would have to apply democracy in stages. The presidential regime would be the best way to enjoy the powers that are strong enough. At the same time, a genuine separation of powers will be put in place to begin to familiarize public opinion with the mechanisms of democracy. But it is necessary to want to apply liberal democracy at all costs. We are saying that we need to devote ourselves to changing the current political class because the Republic needs the ideal people and not the political conveniences that we are currently living.
In turn, the current economic situation depends first of all on the awareness of the Congolese decision-makers, of being able to give good directives, economic policies, agricultural policy and decentralization of it.
Finally, we can add that democracy has been introduced in the country to stimulate partisan engagement. It is reinforced by the ever-growing poverty in Congolese society. Thus, as violence forced upon submission, fortune, not only corrupts consciousness but also and above all, buys political and administrative consent. This is how the politicians of the majority (the power) and the opposition are not the same facets.
They must have one main objective of saving the country (Congo) while having an awareness of the integrity for the future of their country, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in order to offer the Congolese people full development, real opportunities and interesting prospects because the policy of the belly, in other words, material and/or financial stakes, is not the least. The stakes and the games of the actors crystallize around the monetary interests.
Among the causes of the instability of political and administrative Institutions, we have also reported ethnic heterogeneity as well as foreign policy. It cannot be jammed:
First, we must, do everything possible to avoid the tribal struggles that can endanger the Institutions.
To this end, people should be taught the meaning of nationalism and patriotism that allows them to see beyond their tribes and to experience the satisfaction of belonging to a larger ensemble.
Kalindye, B., (2003, 66)  , uses the positive-connotation term that suggests the idea of liberation, the disappearance of colonial oppression. To participate in the management of public affairs and the orientation of the actions and ideas of his country, this shows an honorable civic behavior. But political participation is fully realized only if it is based on a profound and valid sentiment that the nation manifests. Thus, the principle of openness to the world has given the possibility to the States of the world to come into contact with the DRC without taking into account their political system or their ideological opinion. This principle has enabled the DRC to participate actively in the international forums of the United Nations. It is the principle of the open door.
Secondly, the DRC’s foreign policy must aim first in its aims at the search for regional power, security, national sovereignty, the increase of the country’s economic prosperity, and the promotion of national unity. These objectives will have to lead Congolese diplomacy to promote national stability and promote peace with its neighboring countries (Labana. L.A., et al., 2006, p. 112).
However, the difficulties of implementing the DRC’s foreign policy are manifested in the fact that the DRC has not experienced a rational application in its traditional principles because of several factors which block its administration. They are of a political, cooperative and administrative nature.
As for the politicization of the Administration, the solutions reside at the level of the rational use of the frameworks available. It is necessary, as a passage says: “This is the man who must be in the right place.” In such a system, public administration, an instrument and an important cog in state power, must be conceived as a State administration and not the other way around, with a mode of operation in favor of development (services to the population) instead to be a mad machine anti-population, messy rather than order.
In terms of the economy, the Congo has long been led by institutionalized predation systems. So it is a whole political economy that underlies the management system and the practices based on the method of picking: We will gather in the coffers of the state (treasury, State companies, material resources, and natural resources) in short, the plundering of the public heritage as one gathers in nature.
As you can see, we must strive to develop and improve the living conditions of the people so that the socio-economic situation can no longer provoke the instability of the institutions, since the DRC is a key player in African integration and it appropriately describes the economic issues. Thus, the development of the economy must aim, as far as possible, at economic independence to rule out influence and also to suspend the macroeconomic system which does not facilitate the emergence of the population.
Finally, we must put a point on the bad governance and the untold suffering of the population and the particularism which makes reading both appealing and informative. Thus, the misery that has become the daily lot of the Congolese population deprived of the emotional enjoyment of social and economic rights. Besides, the people must learn to sanction their political leaders by “a vote sanction”, the people must come out to protest against all political policies carried out by governments. They would have to feel a threat to change things. We must have a mechanism to control government action other than Parliament’s because in Parliament it is always the same majority as the government that has the wind in its stern.
To this end, the Catholic Church today calls for the full implementation of the agreement of 31 December 2016 to be respected because it has found the political description. Let’s add to this that we need to focus on the debate on the full development of the Congo instead of distracting people.
Second, the potential foreign pressures are indispensable to reverse existing political structures and institutions. All these solutions are not easy to put into execution, but thinking about it would already take a step forward for a change.
The quick overview of “the instability of political and administrative institutions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo” shows us that this instability comes first and foremost from the inadequate constitutional provisions, the difficulties what causes the non-application of the democratic principles contained in the various constitutions, of ethnic heterogeneity which, from time to time, causes conflicts likely to threaten the stability of the institutions; the politicization of administration, the social-economic situation, poor governance, the non-observance of the texts and the poor distribution of wealth that most African countries in general and the DRC, in particular, are experiencing, without forgetting the influence of the macroeconomic system including foreign pressure.
Then it follows international geopolitics, the absence of powerful lobbying that negotiates well the interests of the DRC at the international level and the international policy of the predation of the wealth of the DRC which allows us to make ourselves those that promote instability in the institutions of the State. But we feel, without fear of being deceived, that they are fundamental. For this reason, we have studied institutional causes, liberal or parliamentary democracy and its consequences on the stability of institutions and we have tried to see to what extent they can be one of the factors of instability and see to what extent the influence of foreign nations, multinationals, the struggles between the great powers can undermine political stability in the countries of independent black Africa, in general, and in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in particular.
In a context such as this, the politicization of administration promotes the imbalance and instability of political and administrative institutions. It is then that there is a cessation of activities when there is a government crisis: the administrative services are paralyzed. That is why we are experiencing the failure of liberal or parliamentary democracy in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
Indeed, the Congolese state must come out of its current state of misfortune. As a mirror of social and economic political structures, the new state must be based on a new social contract, in short, a political consensus which must be ensured to give a legal and political meaning through a constitution. It is time to get out of our sleep and take our fate into our own hands, because we are responsible for the success or failure of our new democratic society that we wish for our best wishes.
Moreover, it is also regrettable that the macroeconomic system is introduced by the MATATA government of 2012 and the one currently in power, as well as the instability of political expediency which brings the country back to chaos, because the Republic Democratic Republic of the Congo seems to live more external budget support. The state is obliged to change the leaders of certain Institutions.
The instability of the political and administrative Institutions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo is that the crisis that the DRC experienced, more than ten years ago, originated in the conflict between the two branches of the executive in this case the presidency and the Government.
I believe that a heightened awareness on the part of the State on human rights, equality of opportunity and true social integration itself makes it easy to advance the national framework in the image of the Congolese people. The destruction of the administrative organic framework of the state by the clientelism, nepotism, tribalism, misappropriation, massive violations of human rights and corruption have established a new politico-administrative culture not only of predation but also of inanity in the face of evil.
In the end, the DRC is a country that cannot enforce its sovereignty, hampered by the weight of historical heritage and by regional instability. And the situation is far from being stabilized, as shown by the political crisis in which the country has been plunged since Joseph Kabila’s contested re-election in November 2011. The regime’s refusal to comply with the Constitution of the country and to organize the elections without the current head of State whose second and last term has expired since 19 December 2016, which prevents the improvement of the “business climate” and sometimes does not encourage Not private investment in DRC.
In short, we denounce the unspeakable suffering and misery that has become the daily lot of the Congolese population, which is deprived of the effective enjoyment of social and economic rights, due to bad governance and blatant injustice Practiced by the various Congolese governments under the beard of the institution President of the Republic.
The arbitrary use of power has prompted the people to turn away from the state or to avoid it, thereby crushing the “norms of loyalty and dignity of the country”. We cannot continue to tolerate governments with limitless powers, since leaders have become accustomed to consider themselves to be above the law, by creating circles of personal supporters who are being dispensed with to ensure their silence, unable to conceal the obscure face of their management system and to ensure public control.
In the same vein as at the crossroads, the Congolese politicians of the majority (the power) and the opposition are not the same facets. Whether you are rich or poor, whether you belong to a majority or an ethnic or religious minority, whether you are opposed to or supported by the government, everyone has the right to equal protection before the law. Under no circumstances should the state impose additional inequalities. He has to treat everyone in fairness and equality. For no one is above the laws, which are in fact created by the people and are not imposed upon them.
Thus, first the political authorities must have a single main objective to save the country while having an awareness of the integrity for the future of their country, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in order to offer the Congolese people a development Full, real opportunities and interesting perspectives.
Then we suggest that our politicians put the DRC in the circle of the 21st century, that is, to give the people an opportunity to understand the meaning of democracy. But here the people are seen as an instrument for the promotion of politics, a simple step of the staircase. The Congolese people, in turn, must be able to distinguish between the difference between the interest of the Nation and the political sentiment towards their leaders.
All in all, we have the ambition to believe that the Democratic Republic of the Congo must have respect for the provisions by locking the system in the interests of consideration of democracy in the DRC. On the other hand, political leaders of any tendency must put together to eradicate these scourges. This is how they must strive to develop and improve the living conditions of the population so that the socio-economic situation can no longer provoke the instability of the institutions.
We acknowledge Prof. Dieudonne Iyeli Katamu of UPN (Universite Pegagogique Nationale) for his constructive feedback on improving earlier drafts of this paper.
8https://www.google.com/ Publié par Obed Afficher le blog le 6 Mai 2010 à 10h41.